Cape-wide town level meetings exclude a silent majority, advocates say

Rachael Devaney

At a recent Barnstable Town Council meeting, Tara Vargas Wallace, of Amplify POC Cape Cod, was one of the only attendees present to advocate for the handful of affordable housing developments that have been proposed for the area.

There’s no doubt, Vargas Wallace said, that there are hundreds of families desperately in need of affordable housing throughout Barnstable’s seven villages. But they rarely appear at the bi-weekly Zoom Town Council meetings.

Those who often show up for the forums, however, are organized members of the opposition — also known as NIMBY groups (not in my back yard), Vargas Wallace said. They're there to argue in favor of environmental protection and conservation, she said.

"They rotate and take turns appearing and speaking up for what they want, and they do it in an orchestrated manner,” Vargas Wallace said. “They know how it works and they show up to each and every meeting.”

The lack of representation from those who need affordable housing, in Vargas Wallace’s opinion, directly stalls the Town Council from moving forward with potential projects that could help alleviate the mass exodus and displacement of workers and families from the Cape.

“We need more soldiers. We need consistency,” Vargas Wallace said. “We are fighting an uphill battle over available housing and people don’t seem to understand that. The squeaky wheel gets the oil.”

Giving away your voice

The struggle for engagement and participation surrounding voter turnout, council meetings in Barnstable, and town meetings on the rest of Cape Cod, reaches beyond affordable housing into local public policy areas such as wastewater funding, short-term rental taxes, environmental issues, plastic water bottle bans and public safety infrastructure costs.

Although Barnstable Town Council elections won't occur until 2023, spring elections are coming in towns across the Cape. 

Jeanne Morrison, a Barnstable resident, said voters need to fill open seats with representatives who will make decisions about the most important issues that impact day-to-day lives. 

“These are people that will shape policy for the next three to five years. When you don’t show up to advocate for yourself or your community, you’re giving away your voice,” Morrison said. “The one thing that we have as Americans is our voice. The more we stay silent, the more we allow ourselves to be suppressed. We are giving away our power.”

Those who show up are making decisions for all 

A plastic water bottle ban in Dennis was voted into place by just 92 votes, Times columnist Cynthia Stead said in a May 2021 column.

Many Dennis residents were angry about the “boilerplate petition,” Stead wrote, but those residents didn’t show up at the polls — pushing the ban forward to join other Cape towns like Brewster and Wellfleet.

“Here is a real opportunity for residents to steer and control the direction of the town itself,” she wrote. “When a board or commission is elected, they have to make decisions and set policy, but it is hard for them to do so unless questioned and informed. A town is different than living in a city in that you are not governed, you are the government yourself.”

At that time, annual elections of the Select Board, Dennis-Yarmouth School Committee, Dennis Water District and Old Kings Highway Committee was also underway but out of 12,927 eligible registered voters, 581 turned out to vote – about 5% of the Dennis population.

“The races were uncontested, so the overall attitude seemed to be one of 'Why bother?'" Stead wrote. "But if you did not like how an official was doing their job, for once it would have been simple for a write-in candidate to have a real chance of winning.”  

Voter turnout dismal overall

There's good news in Barnstable County, with 31,000 more voters casting a ballot in the spring of 2020 versus in 2018, Beth Huang, executive director of Massachusetts Voter Table, wrote in an email. But the proportion of voters skews overwhelmingly white, at 97%—with racial models based on census and commercial data—and predominantly older individuals, with 40% of voters older than 65.

For Mashpee's 2021 town-level elections, total eligible voters by precinct numbered 12,072—with only 1,709 community members showing up to the polls, about 14%.

The May 2021 annual town meeting, said Town Clerk Deborah (Dami) Kaye, "was even more dismal" with about 464 people present to approve a $62 million budget. 

For the 2020 Wellfleet annual town elections, low voter turnout  meant that just 339 ballots were cast out of 2,834 registered voters — which is about 12% of Wellfleet's voter population. 

"If you believe your voice is important, then you need to go to town meeting and to the polls," Kaye said. "We approve multi-million dollar budgets and we will approve the budget with maybe 350 people participating. I don't know what to do to get people to go to town meeting and come out to the polls."  

Lack of participation could skew future communities

There is representation throughout town meetings and during elections, said Robin Hubbard, chairwoman of the Orleans Democratic Town Committee.

Hubbard agrees with Vargas Wallace, though, that attendees who participate on a local level are strategically organizing and often push their politics into what should be a nonpartisan sphere.

“It’s not supposed to matter what party you are in for town-level elected positions. It’s supposed to be more based on who is the best person for the job,” Hubbard said. “People just want to help the Republicans or just help the Democrats. We need to help everybody. We need to take care of each other. Part of that is helping get the best people into office that can represent everyone.”

Traditionally, town meetings are set up to accommodate those “who have more time on their hands,” said Stefanie Coxe, housing advocate and founder of Nexus Werx LLC. Citizens who are older, retired, and are homeowners are typically those who comfortably engage in the process and “make decisions for the entire town,” Coxe said.

Usually held in the evenings, town meetings can often run for hours, she said. For those with families, in-person meetings are almost impossible to attend—especially for guardians who are shuttling children to and from sports, helping with homework and making dinner.

“You had to sit around town hall in meeting rooms for hours until you could testify on something,” Coxe said.

For others, the entire process can seem archaic, confusing and overwhelming, said Coxe. Especially for working people, she said, who are often too busy to become interested on a regular basis. It’s often people who are younger—people who haven't had an opportunity to fully establish themselves—who have the least opportunity to weigh in and engage, said Coxe.

“The lack of representation from all town citizens leads towards a mindset that keeps everything the same and nothing changes,” she said. “That becomes problematic when we need to change things like zoning or economic development as we try to build a vision for the future of our communities.”

COVID-19 has also halted participation 

Since the pandemic hit in 2020, Kathy Ohman, a volunteer with the Cape & Islands Democratic Council, has noticed fewer people at town-level meetings and municipal elections.

“The last two years have really been devastating for community activity like town meetings,” Ohman said. “Here in Dennis, we've often waited long hours outside (to vote) at special elections. I think it's increasingly difficult to get people engaged in a time when people are still afraid to interact with each other.”

The missing component of younger community members at town meetings also hasn’t gone unnoticed, said Ohman, a situation that she attributes to a lack of affordable housing.

“It's becoming harder and harder to engage young people down here because there aren't as many of them due to incredible affordable housing problem(s) we have,” she said. “They are being pushed out. It’s getting worse every year.”

Diverse voices needed to make change

Jennifer Cullum, a Barnstable Town Council member for Precinct 13 and chairwoman of the council’s appointment committee, ran unopposed multiple times. Nobody wants the job, Cullum said. That's another problem when important policy decisions are being made, she said.

“We have a vibrant population that can help us decide what our future is. But what has really been absent in my 10 years as a (councilor) is a diversity of voices,” Cullum said. “I don't feel like there’s real civic engagement. There's not enough people showing up.”

Initially, when meetings across the Cape went remote, Cullum was hopeful the move would “flip a switch,” in terms of participation and engagement from the community. For the first time, she felt she could reach new groups of people the council had been legislating for but who hadn't been present for the legislation.

“It meant we could get moms and parents that work two jobs at public comment. People could put their kids to bed on time, and still show up, be seen, and speak their piece,” Cullum said.

Initially, when meetings across the Cape went remote, Cullum was hopeful the move would “flip a switch,” in terms of participation and engagement from the community. For the first time, she felt she could reach new groups of people the council had been legislating for but who hadn't been present for the legislation.

“It meant we could get moms and parents that work two jobs at public comment. People could put their kids to bed on time, and still show up, be seen, and speak their piece,” Cullum said.

“Yes, Zoom meetings have the capability to widen the scope. But how are homeless people supposed to weigh in at a Zoom meeting? They are bouncing from house to house, from hotel to hotel—trying to eat and scrape up enough money to get by,” she said. “They are actively being traumatized by their situations. They are in crisis.”

Putting the burden to attend meetings on marginalized groups doesn’t make sense, said Vargas Wallace. It’s up to council members, and community leaders to conduct outreach, listen to advocates, and educate themselves about realities surrounding communities they serve, she said.

“There are council members who have been elected that can’t understand why those that need housing aren’t attending council meetings,” Vargas Wallace said. "They think that their absence shows there isn’t a problem. That couldn’t be further from the truth.”

Unengaged voters: How to reach

Various mechanisms are needed to encourage and allow for diverse input from unengaged voters, Morrison said. 

"They (voters) have to believe their input matters. The same is also true of decision makers," she said. "They have a responsibility to reach out and know the issues for all residents and work with the collective of who can attend meetings and who cannot before making decisions."

The public also needs to better understand how local, county and state government interacts and the processes of decision making, Morrison said.

"If it truly is the responsibility of the public to inform leaders to make informed decisions there is room for improvement in two-way communication and transparency," she said. "Together we can create better communities that are affordable, safe, progressive and productive for all of Cape Cod residents." 

Other avenues for participation 

Although there's a silent majority of voices that don't make it to town meetings, Coxe said, many people don't know they can access most public comment portions of Town Council or Select Board meetings online. 

“You can quickly jump on (Zoom) during public comment—even if you don’t know what the solution is to a particular problem—and state your worries, concerns, or priorities,” she said. 

In addition, community members can also email select boards, town councils, or planning boards with comments, concerns and questions, Coxe said.

Or just speak to board members at the grocery store or another impromptu venue, said Coxe. 

Another avenue that gives the public some power, is joining a town committee like the Town of Barnstable’s Local Comprehensive Planning Committee, advised Cullum. Although endeavors like this can require time commitments, residents can weigh in on visions for growth and development, land use, infrastructure and resource protection for distinctive communities, she said.  

“It's one thing to invite people to the table to be part of a solution and to make suggestions in an advisory way. It's another thing to make participation a concrete path that can be accessed by all," Cullum said. “Diversity, equity and inclusion is something I'm really looking at. Different races and different ways of life. It's absolutely essential that we move forward together. We need to really embrace that.”

Election day voter registration in Mass. shouldn’t be this hard to achieve

By Yvonne Abraham

The voting rights package currently being hashed out by Massachusetts lawmakers is a thing of beauty. But it is missing a critical piece.

What it leaves out says a lot about who still holds power on Beacon Hill, and how they keep it. Voters are supposed to choose their lawmakers. But some of those lawmakers clearly want it to work the other way round. Worse, their intransigence may delay the bill long enough to make it harder to cast ballots this year.

Before we get to that unseemly state of affairs, the beauty part. Both the House and the Senate have passed versions of the VOTES Act that would make voting easier than ever in this state. Among the measures they agree on: expanding opportunities for absentee, mail-in, and early voting; shortening voter registration deadlines from 20 days before an election to 10 days; and easing ballot access for incarcerated people and those with disabilities.

So far, so delightful. But a measure the Senate overwhelmingly approved never made it into the House version of the law: It would allow people to show up at their polling places, get on the voter rolls right there on the spot, and cast their ballots.

This isn’t some outlandish proposal: It is immensely popular with voters. Twenty states and D.C. already offer it. Studies show that same-day registration boosts voter turnout, especially among younger voters, people of color, and low-income people, according to Demos, a progressive think tank.

Who wouldn’t want that?

Assistant majority leader Mike Moran, that’s who.

In January, when Representative Nika Elugardo of Boston offered an amendment to add Election Day registration to the House bill, Moran, a Brighton Democrat, used a parliamentary trick to nix it, sending the issue off to Secretary of State Bill Galvin to study. Moran and his lackeys provided a range of bogus justifications for doing so.

Chiefly, they said they were concerned for city clerks across the Commonwealth, who would be overwhelmed by Election Day registrations. But the clerks, ahem, came out in support of Election Day registration.

And the guy who actually runs elections in this state has supported it for several years, and wants no part of a study.

“We never asked for a study,” Galvin said in an interview, “nor was a study ever necessary. ... This was a parliamentary tactic, not a sincere effort.”

Galvin is confident the Commonwealth’s clerks can make Election Day registration work smoothly, and do the work they’re meant to: “Helping people to vote rather than spending the day trying to tell them why they can’t.”

So what’s up with Moran, whom Galvin calls “the main obstacle” here?

His office did not respond to my calls, but the answer is plain if you look at his district, which, coincidentally, Galvin once represented: Allston and Brighton have giant tenant populations, students and others who move in and out each year — just the kind of transient voters more likely to take advantage of Election Day registration.

No legislator likes that kind of unpredictability: They want to know who will show up at the polls year after year, whose interests they should keep in mind, who they can count on.

“Some lawmakers think they need to be the gatekeeper, to choose their voters,” said Beth Huang, head of Massachusetts Voter Table, a civic advocacy group. “Everything about this reflects how power is weighted against people who are more transient, younger, low-income, and often Black and brown.”

Senate and House negotiators trying to come up with a compromise version of the VOTES Act are stuck on Election Day registration. After more than two months of stasis, they are finally meeting on Thursday to hash out their differences, though there’s no obvious sign Moran is willing to budge.

Meanwhile, the stalemate over Election Day registration delays other reforms set to go into effect this year, Galvin said — including mail-in voting, which requires months of preparation to make work. “Every extra day puts that at risk,” he said.

If a final version of the VOTES Act is not signed into law soon, it will be too late to make mail-in voting happen for the Sept. 6 primary.

We’re about to see how much democracy some leaders are willing to sacrifice on the altar of incumbency.

Globe columnist Yvonne Abraham can be reached at yvonne.abraham@globe.com. Follow her on Twitter @GlobeAbraham.

Boston Foundation, United Way of Massachusetts Bay and Merrimack Valley join nearly 50 organizations in support of Election Day Registration

Boston – The Boston Foundation and United Way of Massachusetts Bay and Merrimack Valley joined with nearly 50 other organizations co-signing a letter calling for Massachusetts lawmakers to Election Day Registration (EDR) in the final version of the VOTES Act.

The endorsement letter cites the positive impact EDR would have on election equity in the City of Boston. “Data show that Boston residents, particularly residents of color, are disproportionately disenfranchised by the current voter registration rules,” said M. Lee Pelton, President and CEO about the letter, which was submitted April 1. “Setting up an effective system for election day registration would remove unnecessary administrative barriers and increase voter engagement in local elections.”

The letter notes that 2020 census data reveals that one-in-five Bostonians change their address every year, part of the reason Boston residents accounted for one-third of all Massachusetts provisional ballots issued in the 2020 Presidential Election. EDR helps remove barriers to legal voting that disproportionately limit the political power of low-income communities and communities of color. Research from UMass Amherst and Demos show that in states with Election Day Registration, voter turnout for Black and Latino voters increases up to 17%.

“We have made so much progress to ease voting access over the last few years,” said Bob Giannino, Ansin President and CEO of the United Way of Massachusetts Bay and Merrimack Valley. “This is perhaps the most critical step to ensure that our all citizens, particularly our most vulnerable, have the ability to let their voices be heard.”

Election Day Registration would allow for eligible voters to register and vote on the same day, removing a long-standing barrier to voting that is the 20-day voter registration cut-off period.

Recent polling shows that 65% of Massachusetts voters support EDR.

What is the VOTES Act?

Senate and House have both passed a version of the VOTES Act in the current sesion. Both versions include permanent vote-by-mail, extended early voting, and more. The Senate included Same-Day Registration in its version of the bill, but the House did not. The difference between Same-Day Registration and Election Day Registration is that SDR includes the ability to register on early voting days. EDR is only for Election Day.

The bill (S.2554) is being negotiated by a conference committee led by Representative Mike Moran (D-Brighton) and Senator Barry Finegold (D-Andover) that includes Representative Dan Ryan (D- Charlestown), Representative Shaun Dooley (R- Norfolk), Senator Cindy Creem (D- Newton), and Senator Ryan Fattman (R-Sutton).

Click here to see the letter and full list of signers.

Pressley wades into gig worker fight

By LISA KASHINSKY

FIRST IN PLAYBOOK: PRESSLEY SAYS ‘MASS. IS NOT FOR SALE’ — The coalition fighting a proposed ballot question to classify app-based drivers as independent contractors is getting a boost.

Rep. Ayanna Pressley is endorsing Massachusetts Is Not For Sale at an event Saturday, adding significant political muscle to the coalition of labor and civil rights groups squaring off against a well-funded, tech-backed rival.

The sides are sparring over legislation and a ballot proposal that would classify Uber, Lyft, Instacart and DoorDash workers as independent contractors, rather than employees, while offering them certain benefits. But Massachusetts Is Not For Sale argues that the initiatives would cost workers the rights and benefits they should already have as full employees under current state law.

“Major corporations are seeking to create a false choice and undermine the guaranteed right of gig workers in Massachusetts to be paid a living wage, access paid leave, have high-quality healthcare, and more — changes that would disproportionately impact Black, brown and immigrant workers,” Pressley said in a statement, adding that she’s “proud” to stand in opposition to “efforts to buy out our labor laws, residents and workers.”

Pressley joins Sen. Elizabeth Warren in bringing political heft to a coalition facing an uphill financial battle against Flexibility and Benefits for Massachusetts Drivers, which raked in more than $17 million in 2021 — mostly from Lyft — and entered 2022 with over $14 million in its war chest. By contrast, Massachusetts Is Not For Sale, formerly known as the Coalition to Protect Workers’ Rights, started this year with $682,658.

GOOD FRIDAY MORNING, MASSACHUSETTS. Caucus season comes to a close this weekend.

An internal memo by state Sen. Sonia Chang-Díaz’s campaign, obtained by POLITICO, offers a glimpse into her strategy as the governor’s race shifts gears. Here are a few things that stand out:

— Chang-Díaz’s campaign says the “vast majority” of delegates coming out of the Democratic caucuses are “undecided.” That gives candidates more time to work party activists and lock up at least 15 percent of the delegate vote at the June convention to get on the primary ballot.

— She’s targeting Gateway Cities, communities of color and voters who turned out in 2020 but not in the last competitive governor’s race in 2014. Her team estimates about 1 million voters could be at play. But turnout tends to decline in non-presidential years.

TODAY — Boston Mayor Michelle Wu fixes a pothole at 11 a.m. on Instagram Live and speaks at a Charlestown Knights of Columbus luncheon at 11:30 a.m.

SATURDAY — Assistant House Speaker Katherine Clark hosts House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Reps. Pressley and Lori Trahan for a roundtable discussion on ARPA health care investments at 2:30 p.m. Saturday at the Cambridge Health Alliance. Pressley joins Massachusetts Is Not For Sale at 11:30 a.m. at Zumix in East Boston.

SUNDAY — Rep. Seth Moulton and Salem Mayor Kim Driscoll speak at a “Stand with Ukraine” fundraiser at 4:30 p.m. Sunday in Salem. Wu, Sen.Elizabeth Warren and Rahsaan Hall are keynote speakers at the virtual Progressive Mass annual gala at 7:30 p.m. Sunday; state Sen. Becca Rausch, Boston City Councilor Julia Mejia, Worcester School Committee member Tracy O’Connell Novick and Beth Huang of the Massachusetts Voter Table are honorees.

THE SUNDAY SHOWS — AFL-CIO Massachusetts President Steve Tolman is on WBZ’s “Keller at Large” at 8:30 a.m. Sunday. Rep. Bill Keating is on WCVB’s “On the Record” at 11 a.m. Sunday.

Beth Huang’s Vision of Civic Engagement

BY BENJY B. WALL-FENG

When Michelle Wu became the first woman and first person of color elected mayor of Boston last November, she was one of a number of politicians from marginalized backgrounds becoming “firsts’”within Massachusetts. 2021 also saw the election of Thu Nguyen, the first nonbinary city council member in Massachusetts, and Joshua Garcia, the first Latino mayor of Holyoke. Efforts by grassroots redistricting groups succeeded in doubling the number of majority-minority State Senate districts from three to six out of 40.

Beth Huang, the executive director of Massachusetts Voter Table, says these changes are both necessary and overdue.

Massachusetts Voter Table is a coalition of organizations focused on civic engagement and voter participation among working- class voters and people of color. In the past decade it has been involved in many efforts to achieve these ends: Before last year’s redistricting push, for instance, a 2014 initiative gave employees of large employers up to five days of paid sick time per year. In 2018, Massachusetts established a $15 hourly minimum wage.

But for Boston, a city with a deep history of both immigration and racist policies such as redlining, these advancements in labor have come in tandem with other, harmful trends. Foremost among them is a surge in gentrification and the resulting displacement of poorer communities, many of them Black, Latino, or Asian, from Boston to “gateway cities” outside it. In fact, Boston was the fourth most intensely gentrified city in the U.S. from 2013 to 2017, according to a 2020 report by the National Community Reinvestment Coalition.

“First the people move, then the services move,” Huang says. “But political power is often the last thing to move with them.” People who are forced out of areas where they have built community and connections may find it difficult to lay down roots in a new location, where they may not know their city councilors or state representatives or school board members, she warns

“Racial capitalism, right?” she says. “The main thing is that there’s this cycle of, ‘My elected officials don’t respond to my community and don’t respond to my needs.’” This disillusionment decreases voter participation, she says, which in turn causes elected officials to view the community in question as unimportant to their role.

Much of the ground-level work undertaken by Massachusetts Voter Table and like-minded organizations entails talking to these voters. They also work with community groups like True Alliance Center, a Mattapan nonprofit which focuses on outreach to Haitian Creole speakers,and they offer training to local leaders. According to a report on Massachusetts Voter Table’s website, voters who the organizations’ leaders spoke to in 2021 were six percent more likely to vote than a control group. That number reflects an increase of about 30,000 people.

The drive to increase political power in minority communities is inexorably linked to efforts to bolster workers’ rights. “Essential workers” nationwide are more likely to be people of color, a disparity that has been highlighted by the Covid-19 pandemic. They are more likely to work unprotected and underpaid gig economy jobs such as driving for Uber or DoorDash.

This drive has not come without pushback, too, and greater visibility for people of color has thrown into stark relief the casual racism entrenched in the area. For instance, Mayor Wu has been subject to xenophobic attacks by protestors who opposed Boston’s January vaccine mandate. At a press conference on February 14, Huang was harassed for several minutes by a protester who mistook her for Wu; Huang later tweeted, “If only being a 5'4" Asian woman imbued in me the powers of being mayor of Boston.”

Convincing potential voters means being able to point to specific issues that will impact those who might otherwise feel powerless, Huang says. With this goal in mind, organizations are focusing their efforts on two measures expected to be on the ballot in November. There is a constitutional amendment, which organizations with beliefs similar to Huang’s support, that would create an additional income tax for income over $1 million to fund education and transportation. And there is an initiative, which they oppose, to classify rideshare and delivery app drivers as “independent contractors” rather than employees and ensure the companies they work for do not have to provide many traditional benefits. The proposal takes cues from California’s landmark Proposition 22, which Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, Instacart and Postmates spent a record $200 million in order to pass in 2020; since then, California gig workers have lost pay and autonomy even as prices for consumers have shot up.

In Massachusetts, Huang says, “while the floor might not be falling out, we certainly are really far away from the ceiling of political potential.”

Asian confusion: Misidentification is part of every day life for some Asian Americans

Angela Yang

When a protester heckled Massachusetts voting rights activist Beth Huang last month thinking she was Boston Mayor Michelle Wu, it was already Huang’s third or fourth run-in with someone who had mistaken her for Wu, the city’s first nonwhite mayor.

“People confuse me and lots of other Asian women for Michelle Wu,” said Huang, the executive director of the Massachusetts Voter Table. “They’ve confused a state rep of Vietnamese descent to be Michelle Wu. They’ve confused a state rep of Korean descent to be Michelle Wu. They must think that Michelle Wu is literally all over the place all the time.”

For Huang and other Asian Americans around the country, such incidents tend to crop up quietly in daily life. This one happened to make headlines, she said, because it occurred so publicly at a news conference.

An “ABC World News Tonight” broadcast last month misidentified New York City community organizer Grace Lee as Michelle Go, an Asian American woman who was pushed in front of a subway train in January, in its coverage of a vigil for Christina Yuna Lee, another Asian American woman who was killed in her apartment.

An ABC spokesperson said the network realized the mistake immediately and corrected it before the show aired anywhere else. In a statement to the Asian American Journalists Association, it said the misidentification was an “unfortunate technical error, not one born from insensitivity.”

During its coverage of this year’s Super Bowl, NBC also misidentified the country singer Mickey Guyton as the R&B singer Jhené Aiko during a preshow performance. NBC Sports apologized on Twitter and didn’t respond to requests for further comment. NBCUniversal is the parent company of NBC News, NBC Asian America and NBC Sports.

“Every time that happens, it’s not intentional. Or I assume it’s not intentional,” Huang said of her misidentification experiences. “But it does make me think that, often, we are not perceived to be as valuable as individual leaders.”

Simple errors like those usually occur without malice, experts say. But Asian Americans are familiar with a painful history of exclusion in the U.S. that has repeatedly stripped them of their individuality, and many see a pattern in the ignorance that enables such mistakes to occur so frequently today.

Although Asian communities have populated the country since the 1800s, public hostility pushed them, as well as other non-Asian ethnic groups, to form cultural enclaves like Chinatowns. Legislation throughout the latter half of the 19th century, such as the Page Act and the Chinese Exclusion Act, further stereotyped Chinese people into a single category.

Asian immigrants initially were portrayed as cheap, dispensable labor. As more arrived in the country, caricatures associated with the “Yellow Peril” depicted them as a threat to the West.

The inability to separate Asian people from their races and perceived nationalities then grew starker as the U.S. entered wars against Asian countries. From the incarceration of Japanese Americans without trial during World War II to the lumping together of various Asian ethnicities during the Korean and Vietnam wars, experts said, such conflicts contributed to the homogenization of Asian Americans.

“Americans were able to separate Nazis from Germans, whereas many Americans weren’t able were able to separate Vietnamese communists from the Vietnamese in general,” said Scott Wong, a professor of Asian American history at Williams College. “Or they couldn’t make the distinction between soldiers in Japan and Japanese Americans. You had to almost show an allegiance to Hitler or Mussolini for you to be interned during the Second World War if you’re German or Italian.”

While that phenomenon might sometimes be attributed to the cross-race effect — the tendency for people of all races to more easily recognize faces of their own race — Wong said its prevalence when applied to Asian Americans is rooted in that perpetual foreignization throughout U.S. history.

“Many Americans, for the longest time, did not grow up seeing Asian people,” Wong said. “It’s not an excuse now, because there’s a lot of Asians in the country, but it’s a legacy of exclusion and then segregation.”

People today probably aren’t conscious of that context when they mistake one Asian person for another, Wong said. While there’s “nothing malicious” about such incidents now, he said, they are a product of habitual American negligence in learning to distinguish between different Asian people and groups.

Ever since the civil rights activist Mia Ives-Rublee gained national prominence for her work in disability justice, she began seeing herself tagged on social media as one of several other Asian American women in the field. The same happens to them in return, she said.

Such mistakes occur so frequently that when someone requested her for a speaking engagement, Ives-Rublee wasn’t sure whether they’d reached out to the right person. She said the constant instances of mistaken identity have made her feel almost like a fraud.

“It’s just been a frustrating experience, particularly when we hit a certain milestone and get mistaken for somebody else,” she said. “It just takes some of the joy out of the hard work that we put in. Like, is my work making the impact that I think it is if people can’t even tell the difference between me and other people?”

DongWon Song, a literary agent based in New York City, said they get mistaken for one of a handful of prominent Asian American literary agents at least once during every professional conference they attend, even though they often are of other nationalities and have distinctly different physical traits.

“It just felt very racially charged as a result,” said Song, who uses “they/them” pronouns. “I think people misunderstand the term ‘microaggression’ in a lot of ways, because the ‘micro’ doesn’t apply to the impact.”

Regardless of intent, they said, instances like those can feel just as dehumanizing as more overtly racist aggressions: It becomes clear that the perpetrator is upholding an internal projection of who they are rather than engaging with them as an individual.

“It’s going to sound like a big leap, but all those tiny little moments are what make it possible for someone to push someone on the subway tracks without thinking of them as a person or to attack a lady in the street,” Song said. “Until people realize they are complicit in that exact same system, whether it’s making fun of my name or getting my pronouns wrong or thinking I’m literally another person, all those things are designed to remove my humanity and agency in a way that enables violence.”

Such honest mistakes are part of a longstanding pattern of violence against Asian Americans. When two men murdered Vincent Chin in Michigan in 1982, they were looking to take out their anger against the Japanese car industry. Chin, a Chinese American man, became the target of a hate crime against an ethnic group he didn’t belong to.

Lok Siu, an associate professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who specializes in Asian diaspora studies, said racist characterizations have repeatedly linked Asian Americans through similar stereotypes and that people view and understand Asian Americans only through those lenses when they don’t make efforts to familiarize themselves with other ethnic groups.

“So you have these different moments of mistaken identities for particular targeted groups that were really just mistakes,” Siu said. “But they’re mistakes that they don’t care about, because it’s not about the people they’re attacking. It’s really about expressing their rage against a group or against somebody.”

Just as health officials in the late 1800s falsely linked Chinatowns to the spread of disease by blaming Chinese Americans for smallpox and cholera outbreaks, Chinese Americans in 2020 once again became scapegoats for the Covid-19 pandemic.

And against the background of tense U.S. relations with China, Siu said, recent government targeting of Chinese scientists is another modern-day manifestation of fear born from the inability to recognize the individuality of Asian Americans.

When all members of a diverse race of people are viewed as one, one ethnic group’s being targeted can mean any ethnic group’s being targeted. The violence against Asian Americans, particularly East Asians, as a result of recent anti-China discourse isn’t surprising, Siu said, because it’s a product of the same phenomenon that has plagued those communities for nearly two centuries.

“It’s not a one-off. It’s not anomalous. It’s part of a historical process,” Siu said. “And you see this emerging again in this moment, but you see the same thing.”